Interview/ Ilir Kulla Speaks on the Conflict Between Rama and Meta, Technical Executive and Early Elections, the Political September and the Definition as “Gulen” Supporter
By Interviewed by Elvi Fundo
Albanian Daily News
Published August 11, 2016

Ilir
Kulla, analyst and expert on the security issues, spoke during an exclusive
interview given to Citynews.al portal over the recent months’ political
conflicts between SP and SMI and the current political situation nine months
ahead of the parliamentary elections.


He
makes a comment on the early elections, stressing that odds are against this
process, but speaks also on the “possibility” of a technical executive. He comments
the conflict in the executive, the absent calmness and the forgotten love
between two left wing political leaders. In the end, Ilir Kulla, explains also
his attitude in relation to his definition as Gulen supporter, after the failed
putsch in Turkey.


SP-SMI
Conflicts, Your Prediction for the Political September?


A
bit of nervousness among two coalition parties nine months ahead of the
parliamentary elections is more than normal. They are concerned about a number
of issues, from the seven special laws of the Judicial Reform, to the concessions,
the Electoral Reform, the economic situation, the public order situation, and
many other issues. Those issues can’t be resolved through a static attitude but
by changing the things. The early local elections of September 11 in  Dibra district are an additional element of
this clime, where the situation for the left wing coalition is far from being
positive and where DP may come out victorious racing alone in front of everyone
else. Thus, September will be a very interesting month.


Early
elections or technical executive, which is the solution?


Early
elections are an option, but the last one in which I do not believe, at least not
in this phase. The Judicial Reform evidenced two major parties fear of the
early elections and the lack of willingness for such thing. The technical
executive will be created only if the Prime Minister Edi Rama decides to stand
stoically toward the request for changes within the executive and the
governance’s spirit. Then, I believe this would be an option for a technical
executive leading the country toward an electoral process accepted by everyone.
But I believe that Rama is not someone that will destroy his house, thus he
will show a constructive attitude in the end.


Rama-Meta
battle goes on and SMI attacks the executive’s members. What nourishes this
continuous conflict within the executive?


The
Rama-Meta battle is mostly a problematic co-governance and co-existence than a
real battle. Of course, it may turn into a real battle. This is linked to the
fact that when they announced their alliance on April 1, 2013 they had not
discussed about a joint platform but a unification aiming to send Berisha home.
Today, Berisha is no longer the problem, today they see each-other as a
problem, and this the real motive of this war. Meta aims to become the next
Prime Minister. Rama is perfectly aware of this fact, thus is trying to see his
future and think with seriousness about this issue. This would turn Meta into
opposition’s leader or the next Prime Minister in both cases. Rama does not
like this, because the current majority would not cope with this fact. Anyway,
let’s wait and see


You
have been included in the “Gulen supporters list. Which is your reaction?


I
was deeply surprised by the so-called “Gulen Supporters List”. Take my words
for it. I would like to explain one more time this issue. I have never had, I
do not have and I don’t think I will have any kind of connection with the
so-called “Gulen” supporters’ movement.



I
have never received any financial support from this movement, I have never
asked them for any favor or any kind of support, and I publically challenge
everyone for this fact. On contrary, I have had a deep respect for Erdogan, I
have admired him, until a period of time between 2012 and 2013. I praised the
deep reforms in his country, Turkey’s extraordinary changes and country’s
strengthening. Furthermore, I started having a different opinion for Erdogan
about two issues, the war in Syria and the Turkey’s role there, considering the
fact that it’s impossible for the Turkish executive not to be informed about
thousands of mujahidin from all over the world crossed the border and created
the ISIS. Furthermore, I can’t hold an enthusiastic attitude toward the fact
that the Turkish state may lose its laic status.



Despite
this fact I have not widely articulated those opinions. Here lays the reason of
my name inclusion amid the so-called Gulen supporters, during two interviews given
last year to the “Zaman” newspaper in the English version.



Referring
to the putsch I have been contrary to this fact, of course, but at the same
time I must hold a critical attitude toward the persecution of thousands of
people based only on their presumed involvement in the failed putsch.



On
my opinion the putsch is neither remotely related to Gulen but with the Turkish-Syrian-Saudi
Arabian-Russian-USA relations rupture. Davutoglu’s dismissal is linked to this
element.  The motive is Erdogan’s treason
toward his Gulf partners in relation to the pipe-line Iran-Irak-Syria-Turkey-Greece-Albania
-Italy. As you may see Albania is not accidentally included in this map. This
pipe-line reinforces Russia’s position toward the Europe while weakening the US,
but at the same time put aside the current TAP pipe-line.



Does
Gulen fit in here? Gulen is nothing more than a sect, that grew up and become
stronger with Erdogan, and now he is exploiting this failed putsch as a chance
to eliminate the Gulen supporters, not because he is afraid of them but because
this is a chance worth to be used.



Anyway,
the fact that you may criticize Erdogan, Putin’s ally, does not necessarily make
you a Gulen supporter. I do not change my opinions every time that Erdogan
changes the allies for his interests.








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